Expresses opinion on the Water Works, Jackson, US Bank and government (1 of 2)

Mr. Chatwell,

The remarks which you made on Monday and the reading of the last Enquirer lead me to address you in this formal manner for I have not time and opportunity when we meet to speak on this subject.  You said Maj.Gleaves would get more votes than he recd. last year – does this increase grow out of a resolution he offered in the house to grant Iron master’ leave to sell goods to a certain amount free from tax?  Could you vote for such a law – grant such an exclusive privilege?  Is it not directly at war with the whole policy of our government?  Does it not reverse the present mode of taxation which is based upon an equality of burthens and benefits?  If any escape taxation let it be the poor – not the rich.  Would it be right to lay a tax on all farmers who have a shop for their smith works in order that Blacksmiths might get more work too? Or does the increased popularity grow out of another of his resolutions - to amend the law relative to the water works proposed in our town?  All the towns that are able and have the means of obtaining water by pipes have had such a charter – public notice was given that such a law would be asked for – no opposition was made – the company asked of the court a grant of fifteen hundred dollars.  26 magistrates were in town – 24 present I believe when the grant was made to be paid in parts yearly – now I if governed by individual interests would have opposed this from the Beginning for it may injure seriously the valuable property of my brother near town but I have thought public utility should not be arrested by the interest of an individual.  Are the people not greatly interested in the increase and progress of

and protection of the town?  They have paid some fifteen or more thousand dollars for public buildings – ought they not to adopt every security for their preservation?  But the chief tax is on the people of the town.  They pay yearly for the use of the water and the people of the county have a right to it for nothing.  One fountain expressly for them.  Some men have taken up stock for the sake of profit if this be the case the people will draw their profit on the sum given by the court and in the end may get back all subscribed and have a yearly profit or income towards paying the county taxes.  Surely so large a number of your magistrates could not have been deceived in the true interests of the people.  This is in short some of the particulars.  Here then is a law proposed, a contract made in pursuance of the law.  Why did not those who now oppose make their opposition before the court.  They were on the ground.  I heard not a word against it.  The legislature is asked to nullify the contract!  Is that body a going to interfere with the duties assigned to the magistrates of the county - to become a court of appeals – to undo a contract

which they expressly authorized to be made?  If the law binds in private contracts how much more should it do so in public affairs?  If public affairs are conducted corruptly – can the people fail to be contaminated by the example?  And would it not be corruption in a legislative body to violate contracts which it caused and authorized to be made?  Common sense – the common law of the land, is in opposition to both of the resolutions which Maj. Gleaves has offered this winter as our representative.  The first, the house would not receive.  The second referred only to be denied.  If it is not his legislative course it must be the increased popularity of the President which gives to the Majr. the

increased vote you calculate on for him.  On this subject I can speak to you with some degree of pleasure because it involves nothing concerning an individual for Altho’ I am sure of no change toward the Majr. it is difficult to speak in opposition without giving offence.  If I had been ambitious of a seat in the legislature I could have enjoyed it.  I have carefully watched the progress of political events.  They have been so marked and rapid and eventful as to afford several opportunities to ambitious and designing men to mislead and deceive the people by professing great love for measures and men, that were always upon their lips but far from their hearts.  The popularity of Jackson took politicians by surprize – instance W. Ritchie who abused him for want of learning experience, temper & finally that his election would be a curse upon the country.  He was then for Crawford, who was a warm advocate for the United States Bank and the regular caucus candidate on which ground I was against him and this very fact the people of Tennessee in a printed address brought forward as the reason for bringing out Jackson.  They wished to break up the practice of caucus nominations of candidates for the Presidency and in the late Presidential election, they repeated urged the same reasons against Van Buren - In favour of whom there was not only a caucus but Genl Jackson openly interfered for him by writing a letter to Mr. Gwin with authority to make it public and also by private & public conversation.  If he had done the same in behalf of White I should have voted against him – but to return to the probable increased popularity of the President can it be so in Wythe when his own state is against him

in both branches of the legislature by large majorities and when so many other states have also gone decidedly against him?  When our state if Mr. Ritchie is the guide as he has been is also against him?  Is he treading in the footsteps of Genl. Jackson.  Is he not hand and glove with Mr. Calhoun on the most important and momentous subject, that can possibly come under the legislation and action of government – one that directly affects every man because it is the measure, the standard, by which his labor, his property, indeed his happiness, is regulated and balanced.  Jackson selected the state banks. Mr. Van Buren and Calhoun propose to abandon them and create a Treasury Bank.  Nothing else.  Now if the United States Bank unconnected with the government was dangerous what must be the danger of a Bank the very creature of the government.  Look sir to the last Enquirer and see how much Mr. Ritchie deplores the disagreement among the friends of the President on this subject and implores them to give and take and make a compromise.  Yes sir take the clue from the Whigs – adopt the plan proposed by Mr. Robertson of special deposits in State Banks.  Well I am for this – but what will be gained I know not, but permit me to say something of what has been lost by Jackson’s efforts to give as he said to the people a sounder and a better currency.  He commenced by taking as I thought against reason & law the public money from the bank.  I was the spring after this a candidate and told the people that it was wrong that it would tend to increase Banks and that so far from having gold and Silver they would have more paper and worse; and less gold and Silver – what has

been the result – from 330 banks they have run up to 800 – from 61 millions paper money to an increase of 120 millions.  Yes since 1834 there has been an increase of more than 100 millions so much beyond the increase of Gold and Silver that no business bank can redeem its paper - & in excuse of this we are told (last Enquirer under head of States Louisiana) by every mail that this is the result of wild speculation by the people.  Who encouraged them – did not the destruction of the United States Bank cause all the states to commence a race as it were for Banking Capital – did not the government place large amounts in the Banks with instructions to loan liberally to those who gave good security?  And then after the debts were immense the President issued an order that coin only should be received for public lands.  This was the first alarm.  If the government would no longer receive paper was it not time for individuals to take alarm and if our own government gave the alarm, was it not reasonable that our foreign creditors, of whom, we buy so immensely would also be afraid of our bank paper?  & thus was a press made for coin that has caused the public for extra meetings of state legislatures and congress at least two hundred thousand dollars and two more for time occupied in discussing this subject of currency at their regular sessions as is the case with our own now – and no prospect of a better currency – 20 thousand dollars for plates to issue treasury notes which are founded on the credit of the government and under par specie being the test – 60 thousand dollars Mr. River estimates the cost at of receiving and disbursing upon his plan – if so, Mr. Van Buren’s and Calhoun’s will cost at least twice that sum